Thursday, 18 April 2019
Saturday, 6 April 2019
REASON RULES?
"There
was no real preparation for Brexit.
There is still no realistic preparation for it. The best that can be
done now may be to start at the beginning, spend two years, three years, more
if necessary finding out and telling people what exactly is the price they and
we would pay for doing business with the biggest hosting of trading and
military empires the world has ever seen. Rushing into that situation with
patriotic cries and waving flags will not do."
When
this remark was made (Blog January 17 th. January 2019) it was a long shot. But
like many another strange thing in the present Brexit upheaval, it became less
of a long shot because some people insisted on shifting the target to where they wanted it to
be.
Now
Mr Donald Tusk, President of the European Council, is talking about a delay with a rather open
end and even Kenneth Clarke has been
murmuring words like... "as long as it takes....", and some
British politicians have even suggested
that if they have to take part in European Parliament elections, well,
they might simply have to get elected
but not sit or take part in a parliament they believed should not control what
they don't want. Curious, because they still say they don't understand Irish
people, like Sinn Fein, getting elected to Westminster and not taking their seats because that parliament should
not control their policies! Political upheaval in London produces some understandings amid the chaos!
The
upheaval of people in British streets struggling to control the direction of their
government, members of parliament struggling inside the House of Commons to
take control of business away from the government, all of it a struggle to
define where power should lie in the
British political system, so many of the certainties of British
political life becoming uncertain - one could say that Mr Rees Mogg should
understand this shaking of the foundations of old institutions: ancient certainties of the old church have
also been shaken to the core in recent times.
Institutions
are not forever. Submitting to change
they get extensions of power on their
own terms through the centuries but even
in Buckingham Palace these days there
must be some ideas about how stability can lead to
stagnation, to demands for more reasonable government in which fresh energies can emerge from fresh minds.
We
could argue that the next logical step
in the development of modern democracy must be to have every political party in government. Is the
British party system past it? What is happening in Britain has been described
as a serious crisis: very well then, in
time of war it is normal to create a national government rather than a party
one. So, nothing strange about Mrs May and Mr Corbyn coming together to solve
problems rather than as rivals to create
them - after all, whoever may be responsible for present political failure or success, everyone is affected by
both of them. So why not a national co-operative government in Britain now
?
In
the far future students may well be studying the emergence of such a pattern of
government emerging out of the present
British chaos. And quite likely if the
BBC is still working it will be referring to "the British triumph of creating
such a step forward", even while
other nations may be moving
towards it because of reason ! There is no need for empires to crumble into
intellectual and material poverty but it most often happens that way. The worst
of them have crumbled from within, like the Roman one, while pledging
international co-operation, good order and goodwill. From the setting up of the
EEC until now London has never been happy with European co-operation except on
its own terms. The European Union will not last forever any more than the
European empires did. But we could say, "Let nature take its course, letting
it develop with reason and then evolve, not with old fashioned ideas of a
united states of Europe arming itself for
other wars but with new ideas you have to nourish from within, rather than let it stagnate with old ideas
that did not work even for yourselves".
Wednesday, 27 March 2019
MODERN CRUSADES
Last week
BBC TV broadcast a film "Guns and Rosaries" about the life and work
of Father Patrick Peyton, an Irish priest who created "Rosary Rallies"
that attracted millions of people to listen to his religious message, " The Family That
Prays Together Stays Together".
In 1954 Fr.
Peyton came to Belfast where tens of
thousands of men, women and children gathered in an open air venue, a cinema and
a football ground to hear him. Already he had attracted not only millions of
hopeful listeners worldwide but also teams of films stars, technicians,
industrialists, investors, newspaper owners to help him spread his religious
message. Film stars of that time, Bing
Crosby, Edward G. Robinson, Frank Sinatra, Maureen O Hara , James Cagney and
many others not forgotten even yet,
helped in his "Crusade for the Family Rosary". In Ireland church
committees were appointed to arrange
great assemblies of people to hear the
message "The Family That Prays Together Stays Together" and to promise their families would be like that. The Family Rosary - families
on their knees praying together at home -
found many new homes for this simple, repetitive prayer that was now blossoming
out from Patrick Peyton's Mayo fireside into families across the world.
Some Irish
bishops, like Dan Mageean in Belfast, welcomed Patrick Peyton and prepared
happily for monumental rallies, others,
like John Charles Mc Quade in Dublin disapproved of them .
Bishop
Mageean appointed committees to organise rallies in Belfast,
Ballymena and of course
Downpatrick, traditionally said to be St Patrick's very special place; people
marched with banners and flags, singing all the way to
the hosting places.
The rallies
were spectacularly successful. Tens of thousands of families made a pledge to pray
once every day as a united Family who, praying together, would stay
together, holding fast against the modern trend towards divorce and the
dissolution of Family as the bedrock of civilised Christian living.
It was hard
to imagine all this attracting the helpful
assistance of governments and their
financiers and perhaps even being
financed by the CIA, none of them being
noted for special piety. But it happened.
The BBC
programme "Guns and Rosaries" helps to fill in the outline of what people in Belfast in
later years began to suspect. The Rosary
Rallies were too vast and too popular not to be of great interest to government
agencies, financiers and politicians who were fascinated by the efficiency
with which Patrick Peyton attracted millions to his cause and dollars to match.
He believed the simple traditional family prayer that
helped Irish people to endure hunger and cruelty would help
the modern world to endure, possibly even lessen, some of the abuses of
the modern world, starting with America - if he could persuade millions of
good people in millions of good families
to help him, and if he could get the celebrities whom the people loved to help him too.
Powerful
people who noticed his success, however, were fighting their own crusade at
the time, "against godless communism". Patrick Peyton's religious mission was born at a time when sentiment
was replacing spirituality in
both popular and official religion,
sentiment more comfortable in the cinema than in the hardship of many religious
households, when Christian religious action and concern were being directed away from the present evils of present
miserable systematic poverty, more and more towards the future defeat of the possibly
future evils of possibly " godless communism", when Bing Crosby and Barry Fitzgerald were
still on cinema screens as Fathers O'Malley and Fitzgibbon showing how personal
religious sweetness and light could overcome even the hardest of capitalistic
hearts when personal holiness mattered and social change did not. In Europe and the USA after WW2 great political and financial interests seemed
reasonably under control but even there
and certainly in other parts of the world new and worrying religious and social
thoughts were emerging, most of all in
Latin America where even important members of the Catholic church had rediscovered
that religion was for setting people
free of repression, not for enclosing them in oppressive economic cages. Liberation Theology in the decades after WW2 was
becoming dangerous doctrine.
The CIA was
one of many organisations intent on dealing with dangerous social doctrines. It
offered finance to the crusading work of
Patrick Peyton. The family hearth after all was the very heart at which
"godless communism" was striking; the Bay of Pigs was not the only
kind of answer to this, or the assassination of one archbishop, or the freezing out of another.
Indeed these might prove no answers at all. So rumour was that the CIA had
become a subscriber to the Fr. Peyton Rosary Crusade funds.
Rumours
of what was happening to, or with, the Peyton Crusade in other parts of
the world stirred up little interest in
Belfast. During the next decades we had other
matters to think about, not yet realising how globalisation meant we are all involved now in everything, everywhere. But we also had to think of what our religious
belief and action - or religious doubt and inaction- really meant in our
rapidly changing world and about what political and economic campaigns religious people were being pulled into. Anyway, the threat of
Belfast being overwhelmed by "godless communism" was remote. The communist newspaper in the shop where I
got mine was bought by three people, one was the Secretary of the local Party, another was me and I forget who the
third one was. Betty Sinclair maybe or Andy Barr who, as far as I knew were too busy trying to
get people decent houses and jobs to be over- concerned about the CIA and its
crusade.
"Guns and
Rosaries" strengthens the rumours, it does not prove a case against
Patrick Peyton. But it prompts questions about leadership, about how our religious ideas come
into fashion or go out of it. The pre-Christian lawyer Cicero used to ask, as
first step in solving cases, "Cui bono?, who gets the advantage from all
this "?
Good
question. Does it matter why John Paul was elected Pope and created a campaign against "godless
communism" in his native Poland? Or why an Archbishop of Buenos Aires
became Pope, or Archbishop Fulton Sheen in the nineteen fifties created a
mission for Latin America supported by funds from his TV success in the USA at a time when the USA had its own unsolved problems of
poverty and injustice? Or if a Rosary Crusade became funded by, among other
interested parties, The Central Intelligence Agency ?
Or that
Archbishop Romero was shot dead at Mass
in San Salvador?
Questions worth coming back to
sometime.......after Brexit maybe ?....... Cui bono ?...........
Saturday, 9 March 2019
RE-UNITED IRELAND
Public discussion about re-uniting Ireland has become more open
and more positive than at any time since the British government imposed a
border in the country. By one of those ironies of history that should make
politicians more cautious the border that seemed to solve London's problems in
the nineteen twenties is creating its biggest problem now. And doing away with
the artificial border in Ireland is clearly the most rational way to solve
London's Euopean problem and give Ireland a bit of peace.
In the discussion about re-union an Irish politician
said with obvious irritation - and aiming at a political rival - it would be wrong
to demand reunification without planning what shape it should take. But for
hundreds of years that is exactly what we in Ireland have been doing, working
out the shape and structures of Ireland in the future. Even a British king, George
the Fifth, said he hoped that one day the Irish people would come together and
he had a plan - Ireland united within
the British empire; the Empire became
the Commonwealth, India (Victoria's "Jewel
in her crown" ) has become a major
independent competitor in world trade, other nations are anxious to do the same
and Ireland has thrown in its lot with fellow Europeans on that road and not
with the remains of the king's empire.
Wolfe Tone, "father of Irish
republicanism" could think comfortably of a king as head of an Irish state
- in his day kings were believed to have
divine credentials for ruling people. He and other republicans could hardly
have foreseen that the great French
Revolution would produce Napoleon and make an Emperor of him or that the
American revolution could ever produce
an emperor-like leader not from divinely assisted blue blood but from market
place and vaudeville. In Ireland people appreciated kings - although they
tended usually to favour small ones and to fight for centuries against big ones;
for many centuries a nation without a king or queen seemed somehow not quite
right. But once people got away from the notion that kings and queens were sacred
essentials for good government, exciting ideas emerged. Many people stopped
looking for good people to govern them and demanded they should govern
themselves instead.
From the nineteen sixties onward Irish people put
forward various ideas about the shape of a future re-united Ireland. Time came when even in the
north-east you could do this without being arrested and interned without trial.
It is interesting then to think about the various
suggestions put forward by people in those days and during the decades
following. These included :
Continuing
(or restoring) Stormont government as London had set it up;
United Ireland with one central government;
Independent
Ulster ( six counties separate from the rest of Ireland);
Federal
Ireland, with four provinces ( Ulster of nine counties) with central government
not necessarily resident in Dublin ; each province having a measure of self government ;
Federal
Ireland of two units but one central government;
Full
integration of six counties of Ulster with Britain (which would remove the
title Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the north eastern counties would
become, as Mrs Thatcher might have said, even more British than Finchley. It is said however that when Mrs Thatcher was
canvassing for election in her young days she said Yes to re-uniting Ireland to
get votes.
All
these and other "solutions" to
what was called "the Irish problem"- although, like the border and
the backstop now it was not an Irish but a London problem - were discussed by
Irish people even in politically difficult
times.
So when voices from London, Dublin, New York, the Vatican
and all over cried out to us to sit round the table and discuss our future,
most people were more than willing to do so.
When however discussion times came - and there were more
than one through the years - the natural question was, "Now, here we are
ready to discuss, so what's on the agenda , what do we discuss ?
Can we discuss a United Ireland ? No you can't.
Federal Ireland? No
Independent Ulster ? No,
Restoring Stormont as it was ? No.
As Mrs Thatcher put it so cleverly: Out, Out, Out,
to every suggestion. The only thatcher in
Ireland who thought tearing the roof from off our heads was a good idea.
So the question was put : What can we discuss then?
The answer was, You can discuss government from Westminster
with a greater measure of devolution in Belfast.
And the most interesting thing about that was: Nobody
in Ireland had suggested it. The only item for discussion was a London solution
the Irish had not asked for !
Just as nobody in Ireland wanted the border in the nineteen
twenties. Including Edward Carson.
We don't have a problem of demanding a re-united Ireland without
planning ahead for it. We have be planning ahead for it for centuries. Our
problem is that people with bigger fingers on bigger triggers are always
telling us what we can discuss and what we cannot.
Footnote: John
Mc Keague , leader of the Red Hand Commandos, said " A united Ireland will
probably come; but when it does we ( he was referring to the unionist
community) want to go into it as a
free people - even if we are free only from 12 midnight to 5 past, we must go in
as a free people."
He was familiar with the thinking of Desmond Boal and
both of them were more open to ideas than many people thought they were. So were a lot of others.
Thursday, 31 January 2019
NEW NATIONALISTS?
Two Irish political parties, SDLP and Fianna Fáil , are
planning to combine. The shape of this combining will become clearer in a few days time; it
could be a merger, an agreement to support each other in elections, a sharing
of resources, a coalition, more perhaps.
One of the parties, the SDLP , Social Democrat and
Labour, grew out of the old Nationalist Party and was founded in 1970. The old
Nationalist Party was powerless - when Ireland's
northeast was organised as the last part of Ireland under London control it was
made powerless. Constituency boundaries and voting were arranged to make the
Ulster Unionists unbeatable, assuring
them of an unchangeable majority of seats in local government and parliament. Seats
in both were often uncontested in elections because it was not worthwhile to
contest them.
When the northeast was carved out to make it
politically unchangeable Nationalists tried at first to have nothing to do with
it, then they took their seats when elected
and tried to create some elements
of democratic interaction between themselves and the unbeatable Unionists.
Eventually, under pressure from some of
their influential constituents, high
clergy for example, they even consented to
become an official Opposition, an opposition that could never be in government. A Nationalist leader, T.J. Campbell,
wrote in his memoirs (Fifty Years of
Ulster, published 1941) that in his experience his party was able to bring
about only one piece of legislation. It was for the Protection of Wild Birds. It could never
put forward successfully any measure for
the protection of his party's democratic constituents.
The two parties, Unionist and Nationalist, managed
however to create a small system within a system : Nationalist representatives in City Hall or
local council would identify " decent Unionists" - of whom there
were more than could show their decency in public - and ask them to vote for
some measure that would not be politically incorrect, for instance new amenities
in a mostly Nationalist area of Belfast. In return Unionists would approach
Nationalists to add their votes in councils for some politically harmless
measure that might not get the enthusiastic support of fellow Unionists.
In the mid-sixties, however, an important revolution happened :
nationalists turned away from asking
favours and took to demanding rights.
Those who now saw the old Nationalist Party as worthy
but powerless created a new party combining Social Democracy and
Labour. It was a loose-fitting title for a loose fitting political programme
but in the circumstances it worked. The civil rights campaigns had brought new
strength to demands for good government. And meanwhile another revolution was
pending, a widespread reawakening of the
political idea of, " We are not looking for suitable people to govern us,
we are looking for how to govern ourselves". Sinn Fein summed up that
thought in the title of their Party
which challenged both Unionist and Nationalist.
As Sinn Fein gained strength the SDLP lost it.
For some time now a weakened SDLP in the northeast has been
approached by Fianna Fáil, from the
other side of the border, to create a
merger, a sharing of resources or whatever the two parties agree to. This might perhaps help
the SDLP to survive and help Fianna Fáil to become an all Ireland party.
Both parties have their doubters internally.
Bringing two political groups together can cause internal weakness in both of them
rather than strength for both of them together, so they have to depend on this
new alignment to compensate and to fulfil the needs of both. Which is quite a
lot to ask.
Other things to ask - for future electors to ask - what are the needs of these two parties on their
way to becoming successful partners? Are
they likely to use their combined strength to preserve old ideas or to create fresh ones? Are they going to strengthen
confrontational politics so as to
eliminate other parties rather than find common cause with them in building a shared
democracy for all Ireland ?
Working for a shared democracy in Ireland is for
now.
After that there will be plenty to agree and differ
about.
But first things first.
The year the SDLP came into being, 1970, the
Alliance Party also came. Early attempts to change the politics of N.E. Ireland under leaders like Terence Ó
Neill still left the Ulster Unionist Party refusing membership to Catholics who
wanted to test the sincerity of such changes. Two prominent ones applied for admission to the Party and were
refused.
During the nineteen sixties however Young Unionists ( the title they had) became prominent and as
far as they seemed able opposed this exclusiveness. In time the Alliance Party
came into being and was basically a
unionist party in which Catholics would be welcomed and feel so. Some prominent
Protestant clergy as well as prominent Catholic non-clergy were involved in the
New Ulster Movement that led up to the
formation of Alliance. The New Ulster Movement included, prominently, those
whom the Ulster unionists had rejected.
All of which is part of a strange and
interesting Irish political evolution we Oldies remember. Churchill's foolish remark about the
permanence of Fermanagh's dreary steeples and other people's insistence on
saying everything always was and always will be a simple carve-up between
orange and green, a backstop colourful but inaccurate, may have overlooked what
many of our fellow citizens were really up
to all those years ago. Maybe overlooking what they are really up to now?
Friday, 25 January 2019
PADRAIC FIACC
Padraic
Fiacc , Joe O Connor, has left us.

After his 94
years seeing life for what it is, like treading on grass littered with broken
glass and shredded bricks, hope, fresh amazement dissolving into sorrowful disappointment,
rising again because the spirit is stronger than the hardest of worlds, not needing
a sweet smelling lawn from which to leap to where the spirit is at home ......................
A friend, he
came to visit us and we talked about
life and death, about poetry and about why we should be afraid of poets............
He did us
the honour of writing a poem about it afterwards :
Up afterwards,
I take to the middle of Royal Avenue
On my way in
gold rimmed Polaroids to give
A poetry reading
in Ballymurphy : clutching at
Ragged editions
of my own poems , like clutching at
strands of
grass to keep you up from falling
with
crashing debris down the mountainy ware
- houses and
hotels ! .........................."
Rest
peacefully, Joe , and remember your friends..............
Thursday, 17 January 2019
BREXIT
The campaign
for Britain to leave the European Union was based on some ideas that were far
from safe. For instance, that Britain could "go it alone", depending
upon trade agreements it could make or renew one by one in the future ,
depending also on an "ourselves alone" policy on everything , freely
making and unmaking its own laws on justice, foreign policy, trading and much
else.
Forgetting
that Britain was never self-sufficient.
It built up
its great industries, power and wealth not from its own natural resources but by using the
natural resources of other nations whom it attacked and controlled. When an English
monarch first licensed and gave military
support to pirates the pirates changed status to "privateers", that is, piracy was nationalised and became a
protected and successful English national industry. Historic out-sourcing by
government.
Empire
building nations including the British fought each other for control of the
slave and piracy, opium and other trades, making them into national industries.
Two things
about that : the need to be self-sufficient, to provide for a nation's needs
and development from its own resources, was not necessary, military conquest provided resources that
really belonging to other people. As
long as this was happening Britain , like other empire builders, did not have
the need, or even the possibility or desire of being self-sufficient. And in
any case the nationalising of slavery and piracy and the seizing of resources was
to provide wealth for only some of the population at home. Many of the rest
lived in poverty.
Another idea
was that if Britain left you, the loss is yours, or if you left Britain, the
loss was yours. People believed the Empire's foreign resources were worth
fighting for, waiting for , hoping for, even if only a minority got the
benefit. The English author Charles Dickens, recognising the poverty and misery
of so many English people seemed to believe the remedy lay in a flourishing
middle class becoming kindly and helping the poor.
Nowadays we
are watching the development of huge trading and military groups in competition
with each other and threatening each other, among them the USA, China, Russia.
Whether these nations or groups of nations are morally or politically good, bad, democratic or whatever, to cut
loose from any of them or enter into competition with them is something to
think long and hard about.
The European
Union is a vast trading bloc too. Did
London really expect it would be possible without hard thinking, planning and
much preparation to create new trading agreements when so many powerful rivals are
waiting in the wings ? Agreements on its own terms like in the good old days when
Britain ruled the waves sailing on hulls of free Irish oak ? Relying perhaps on the goodwill and resources of the
old empire whose countries were now
changed from obedient subjects to profit-making traders on their own account? To create trading arrangements in a world
where you had to think twice and more before sending in the military ? President
Trump is putting in place a programme of
war for trade and trade for war.
You don't get into that game
without a lot of preparation, a lot of internal domestic resources and a lot of
allies.
There was no
real preparation for Brexit. There is
still no realistic preparation for it. The best that can be done now may be to
start at the beginning, spend two years, three years, more if necessary finding
out and telling people what exactly is the price they and we would pay for
doing business with the biggest hosting of trading and military empires the
world has ever seen. Rushing into that situation with patriotic cries and waving
flags will not do.
Many years
ago wise people said that if London lost control of Ireland that would signal
the collapse of the Empire. They were right. Then they said that if London lost
control of the north-east of Ireland that would signal the breakup of the
United Kingdom. Were they right about that too? For the first time in the past
hundred years British politicians are using the word " secession" in
relation to Scotland, Wales, N. Ireland. London and those who put their faith
in it seem not to realise what is happening even to England. When empires fall
the world realises for the first time how weak the centre of an empire really
is when left to its own devices - and
how the very devices created to save an empire may one day prove the empire's
undoing. Devices for instance like artificial borders in the Middle East .
Or in Ireland.
Thursday, 10 January 2019
IRISH TRAVELLERS
New Year - time for looking both backward forward, wondering if what happened last year
will make the coming year better or worse.
For instance, in the Irish
presidential election last year one of
the contestants seemed to have little chance of election, he had only a few
points in the opinion polls, but from that humble beginning he ended up getting nearly 25 percent of the votes cast . So what
happened to bring him such increased
popularity? During his campaign he made remarks about Irish Travelling People
that seemed likely to reduce his chances but they had the opposite effect. He was reported to
have said, "Travellers are basically people camping on other people's land" and that
they did not pay their share of taxes.
For many people these remarks were unwelcome and damaging
- in recent years there have been
significant efforts to assert the dignity
of Travelling People as an Irish ethnic
minority, equal citizens entitled to all the courtesies that deserves. Support for this has been increasing but there is opposition and resentment as well. Mr Casey's
sudden rise to nearly 25% showed that an unexpectedly large number of people in Ireland were serious enough , and numerous enough, to
challenge the slowly emerging favourable
change in public opinion about our
Travelling People . This comes at a time
when people in other European countries are showing increasing anxiety and anger about
migrants coming in from other countries
; Ireland has in a sense migrants within - moving from place to place in Ireland to live
according to their own traditions in their own country. In Ireland they are part of the nation , not
"foreigners" , so any European
trend against "foreigners" does not
apply.
One of our artists, Liam Andrews , was fascinated by the Irish
Travelling People whom he recognised as keepers of an Irish and international
cultural tradition. The relationship between "settled" people and the
Travellers in Ireland though has a lot of problems that need sensitivity and imagination similar to his, and
social resources as well.
Problems like this increase as people become more and more
organised into, and around, land ownership,
so what happens when people whose culture arises not from land ownership but from land use and when the services they provide to others
require that they move from place to place to provide them? It is not an Irish
but an international historical situation that has not been solved because we
allowed land ownership to win over land as a shared inheritance
for our peoples.
"Reservations"
caused so much hurt in America and Australia that we think , How could they treat people that way? Then we realise nervously how in Ireland we
have reservations too , small reservations, asking people who are essentially Travellers
to become "settled " like the rest of us. Maybe we don't realise how some social - and
economic - changes we consider "natural to progress" have been so
hurtful for some of us.
The Casey incident may suggest that a lot of us in Ireland are
willing to base our politics on selective rather than shared citizenship. We Old Folk
saw such ideas swell up and develop in Europe in our day. Minorities were
converted into enemies in their own countries.
We found out the hard way how bad that was. In Germany,
Ireland.......... or anywhere else. So in 2019 will we see land ownership and enlightened land sharing moving together in Ireland ? It could prove difficult
in the present political climate in Europe but Ireland could perhaps lead the
way in an imaginative, creative Irish solution to an Irish - and
international - problem. A new political
party to restrict the rights and dignity
of Irish Traveller citizens is, however, a sad possibility.
Monday, 31 December 2018
OUR NEW YEAR
May 2019 be a Blessed
and Happy Year for everyone
May we help it turn out that way
Recognising that to be happy and blessed is a birth right
for all of us to enjoy .
Friday, 14 December 2018
HAPPY CHRISTMAS
May we all have a
very happy Christmas.
Christians were
always good at religious shorthand. In their early - persecuted - days when
they wanted to tell each other who they
were and where they were they drew or
carved a fish on the wall. Or on a tomb. Or anywhere. Sacred graffiti :
"You'll find a Christian down there at the sign of the Fish". Signs on walls meant a lot more to people who did not read as much as we do now,
and we easily forget what their
graffiti meant. Calling a pub "The
Kings Head" may have meant it was
run by a rebellious innkeeper, reminding
people of King Charles the beheaded ;
calling it "The Crown and
Garter" an innkeeper may have been
envious of a monarch leading a
riotous life and getting away with it.
May we make
Christmas very Happy and Everything very
Happy. Always.
Easier said than
done, but it's worth having a good try at it. Hoping we get there more often
than not.
Some Christians don't like
Christmas being called Xmas and
being wished a Merry Xmas. But the X is still shorthand for Christ and " mas" is still
shorthand for religious worship , so
Xmas is short for Christ's Mass, so where's the difference? And in the very old days
"merry" probably meant happier than usual, not riotously so. In the
beautiful Zinneman film A Man For All
Seasons about the life and death of
Thomas More, murdered by Henry the Eighth , Thomas says to his grieving wife
and family, "We shall meet merrily in heaven". Thomas, sober, serious, severe and
law-abiding Thomas, certainly did not have carousing in mind but quiet,
thoughtful , shared happiness to come.
After all, he was about to be executed. So Merry can just mean Happy Christmas, only
better.
Christians were
always good at religious shorthand. In their early - persecuted - days when
they wanted to tell each other who they
were and where they were they drew or
carved a fish on the wall. Or on a tomb. Or anywhere. Sacred graffiti :
"You'll find a Christian down there at the sign of the Fish". Signs on walls meant a lot more to people who did not read as much as we do now,
and we easily forget what their
graffiti meant. Calling a pub "The
Kings Head" may have meant it was
run by a rebellious innkeeper, reminding
people of King Charles the beheaded ;
calling it "The Crown and
Garter" an innkeeper may have been
envious of a monarch leading a
riotous life and getting away with it.
But a Fish as a
Christian religious symbol ? Irish
people depict the Salmon as a symbol of
wisdom, so why not ? Some people still
use secret codes and handshakes and
gestures when they meet you -- "
getting to know you is important but getting to know if it's worth my while
getting to know you is important too , are you one of us?". In some places paper money had a
hammer and sickle imprinted on it, some had
a square and compass, probably short for, " There's more where this comes from if
you're one of us......." ?
Christians fleeing persecution in their bad times could
say, "Stop a minute, there's a
house with a fish carved on the wall, like to know who it is....might be ,
well, one of us".
In Christian churches we can still notice a book
or a window with a line design on it
that looks like the shape of a fish. Which of course it is, a sacred symbol
announcing adherence, belief, welcome to
of Christians to and from each other. Many churches have at least one
somewhere. The line drawing is saying in
code, "Jesus Christ, Son of God,
Saviour", an important message for ancient Christians wandering
in a strange land or under persecution. And a message for modern
Christians living comfortably but forgetting what the secret symbol said.
The secret was in the letters of the word IXTHUS, their Greek word for a Fish ,
its letters carried the secret, sacred
meaning :
I for "Jesus", X for "Christ ", TH
"of God ", U for
"Son" , S for "Saviour". That's as near as we can get to
matching their everyday lettering with
ours.
The capital
letter X , then, short for Christ , just
as in "Xmas", has a long and honourable history for
Christians.
So -- Happy
Christmas, or Merry Christmas or Merry
Xmas,or Happy Festive Season from and to
everyone . As they might say in the King's Head or the Salmon Leap or at The
Sign of the Fish , whatever you're
having yourself......
Friday, 23 November 2018
FILM AGAINST WAR?
It was a good thought by a TV
company recently to screen the film Oh What a Lovely War in
November - when our dignified remembrance
of the dead can so easily be made into
an undignified celebration of war. Oh What a Lovely War is a mockery
of the way the first world war was
prepared for and managed. Is it really an anti-war film though, as we may think
it is?
One of the earliest and probably most famous "anti war" film was All Quiet on the
Western Front, a German film of 1930 , La Grande Illusion appeared in 1937, world war 2 came in 1939. Oh What
a Lovely War in 1969 and many other films
were screened through the years commemorating personal , family and communal tragedy
suffered in government wars for profit
and in peoples' revolutions.
Have they helped to stop or prevent war
? Some of them have provoked horror,
anger, some have provoked ridicule and laughter at the stupidity of generals -
but are they really protests about war itself,
that is, really anti-war films ? Or are they
protests at and mockery of wars
that are unnecessarily cruel and wasteful of lives and money, that is, "not run efficiently ? Are they suggesting that if
war is run efficiently, not by vainglorious generals and politicians but by coolly rational
technicians they would be, perhaps, all right ?
One of the most harrowing war films was Paths of Glory made in 1957, a
story of French soldiers executed for cowardice when the real fault was the
foolishness and vanity of their war leaders. It was an invitation to think
about what war organisers do even to their own soldiers. What they do to their
own veterans we could see in my young days in ex-soldiers , some missing a
limb, selling matches or drawing chalk pictures on the pavements
of Belfast streets .
Simon Rose in his monumental Classic Film Guide (1995)
mentions some of the "anti-war", or perhaps
"war-critical" films censored or banned by powerful people who did
not consider their message, however limited, suitable for human consumption : La Grande
Illusion was banned in Germany, Paths of Glory banned in France, All
Quiet on the Western Front banned in
Poland and France, Battleship Potemkin was banned in England. This last one was made in 1925, the year I
was born, I still look at it from time
to time. Powerful people were afraid
that showing it would encourage revolution at home after what happened
in Russia - LLoyd George took a more effective line in England by conceding
some after-war social changes to people instead of just banning or beating those
who asked for them or revealed the
revolutionary consequences of bad government .
Film was recognised very
early in its evolution as a new, exciting means of propaganda , good or bad. Film became accused of promoting immorality, morality,
war, peace , upper- class emptiness, middles-class ordinariness, various
heroisms, cowardices and whatnot, never being an upholder or opponent of any of
these in particular. Film is about propaganda - in the proper meaning of the word,
propaganda being what somebody wants to propagate, sow seeds about , help to
flourish, increase, spread, sowing
either good seed or bad weed. The
Vatican has a department of Propaganda, spreading
and promoting its Faith, other governments have departments of Propaganda
with one title or another, promoting their culture and politics. Film as propaganda for or against all of them
arrived very soon after the first projected
pictures stared to move on the wall, its propaganda value recognised.
Some films were good as propaganda, some not, some were good
in their own artistic right some not.
Odd Man Out (1947)
was a propaganda film set in Belfast, beautifully done, an exhibition piece in
black and white, still a delight to watch , a romantic James Mason struggling
to stay alive after a revolutionary robbery ; The Third Man (1949) was
about good American and British governments against bad
peddlers of fake medicine in post war Vienna . The Informer (1935)was a tragedy of personal greed and
what people do when it threatens their people's
revolution.
Watching films like Paths
of Glory or Oh What a Lovely War soldiers who have suffered under military
personnel of higher rank can have a welcome laugh at a pompous non-commissioned
officer, a presumptuous commissioned officer,
a too good sounding chaplain on film, but that does not mean they or the film
have a revulsion against war either as a
career for themselves or as a profitable business for somebody else . A real anti-war film has to be a rational and direct attack on those who make
war for profit, make war armaments for
business , push fellow citizens, even their own children, towards war from
infancy. And this is a difficult story to tell in a world that insists
that The Most Deaths Solve The Biggest Problems and where financiers are more
welcome than pacifists.
It is a lot to ask
commercial cinema to make effective anti-war films, given their need not only for finance but for happy endings. So the
most hopeful and effective anti-war films
will probably be short, unflinchingly directed at the heart of the
matter and inspired by a deep personal conviction on the part of those who risk
making them .
In his book At Play in the Lions' Den , A
Biography and Memoir of Dan Berrigan Jim Forest reminds us that Dan's play, The Trial of the Catonsville Nine
- factual, dangerous and real anti-war
theatre - became the basis of a real anti-war film. The film was produced by
Gregory Peck who lost tens of thousands
of dollars making it:
"The play became a movie produced by Gregory Peck , a
project in which he took particular pride.... it's a film, he told me , that
has so far paid back very few of the pennies that went into making it , but I
predict it will be remembered long after I'm gone as one of the genuinely
important films of its time". (At
Play in the Lions' Den , A Biography and Memoir of Daniel Berrigan by
Jim Forest , Orbis Books 2017)
That film reflected unselfish financing , was acceptably short ,
unflinchingly directed at the heart of the problem of war-for-profit and inspired by a deep personal conviction on the
part of those who risked making it. They
say it lost about a hundred thousand dollars.
Thursday, 1 November 2018
PACIFISTS
We also commemorate our many wars.
We can celebrate also in this month the heroes who gave the best time
of their lives to convince the world that while wars may involve heroes they
are themselves destructive, a sad and
always terrible disaster, whatever their end product.
Here are names of fellow citizens of our world - one for every day of
November plus a few more - who tried to prevent war, tried to stop war and its
terrible suffering , tried to convince us that in our present state of human
evolution survival by destruction is unworthy and always a sign of many failures
whatever the outcome.
These fellow citizens of a world that deserves peace endured the pain
that pacifism brings. Some of them came to visit us in West Belfast and Derry (their names are marked here by an asterix *) and during our recent war time often enriched
our many conversations, about the real meaning of war and the real meaning of
peace, about a world really serious
about real peace,
The meaning of Pacifist as
understood here : One who aims towards and works for the abolition of war, one
who, if war starts, tries to do all possible to lessen its cruelties and to
stop it, one who works towards convincing governments and people to get rid of
war for any reason and to create a way of life that respects our right to life,
our peaceful enjoyment of life and the means of enhancing life for
everyone.
Dorothy Day 1897-1980 American.
FOUNDER OF CATHOLIC WORKER
MOVEMENT WITH
PETER MAURIN.
Barbara Deming 1917 -
1984 American
Francis Sheehy-Skeffington 1878-1916 Irish
Hanna Sheehy -Skeffington 1877-1946 Irish
Martin Luther King 1929-1968 American
*Dan Berrigan 1921-2002 American
Philip Berrigan 1923-2002 American
*Mother Teresa 1910-1997 Albanian
FOUNDER OF MISSIONARIES OF
CHARITY
Dietrich Bonhoeffer 1906-1945 Polish
Mahatma Gandhi 1869-1948 Indian
Martin Niemoller 1892 -1984 German
Fr Franz Stock 1904-1948 German
*Willa Bickham Contemporary
American FOUNDER OF VIVA
HOUSE BALTIMORE
*Brendan Walsh Contemporary American
FOUNDER OF VIVA HOUSE BALTIMORE
Nelson Mandela 1918-2013 African
Thomas Merton 1915-1968 French
*Bruce Kent Contemporary English Founder of Pax Christi.
*Pax Christi 1945 on. Catholic Peace
organisation
Franz Jagerstatter 1907-1943 Austrian
Gordon Zhan. 1918-2007 American
*Brian Kavanagh. Contemporary Irish
*Ciaran Mc Keown Contemporary Irish
Helder Camara 1910-1999 Brazilian
Fr Georges Pire 1910-1969 Belgian
*Fellowship of Reconciliation 1914 on
Society of the
Brethren 1708 on
Conscientious Objectors 297 A.D. on
*Mennonites from Menno Simons
(1496 - 1561)
*Society of Friends 1650
*Steve Pittam Contemporary
English
*Jane Pittam Contemporary
English
Simone Weil 1909-1943
French
Hephzibah Menuhin (Hauser)
1920-1981 American
Rosa Parks 1913-2005 American
Peter Maurin 1877-1949 French
FOUNDER OF CATHOLIC WORKER
*Will Warren 1906-1990
English SOCIETY
OF FRIENDS WORKER IN DERRY
1971-1977
*Alfred Mc Clung Lee 1906-1992 USA
*Betty Mc Clung Lee 1908-1999 USA
*Herman Verbeek Contemporary Belgian
Member of the European Parliament.
Don Lorenzo
Milani Died 1967 Italian PARISH PRIEST , EDUCATOR
*John Dear
Contemporary American
Gene Sharp 1928-2018 American
Robert Ellsberg b.1955 American
Don Lorenzo Milani 1923 - 1967 Italian Founded schools with radical and, in
their time, revolutionary programmes for
young people and adults. Brought to
court by military chaplains who had said, "Conscientious objectors are
cowards...", accusing him of
slandering army chaplains.
000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000
INTERNATIONAL AND
LOCAL PACIFISTS WELCOMED TO WEST BELFAST.
*Dan Berrigan Jesuit
priest, read his Catonsville Nine for us in a makeshift community hall
at the top of the Whiterock Road ;
*Mother Teresa visited
us in West Belfast at the suggestion of a Methodist Minister in London,
making an arrangement with church authorities for her Sisters to set up house
in Springhill, an arrangement church officials later cancelled forcing them to
go away again.
*Alfred Mc Clung Lee
wrote a book in 1983 "Terrorism in Northern Ireland" one of the few books exploring the real
meaning of citizens' revolt against bad government in N.Ireland and elsewhere.
*Willa Bickham and Brendan Walsh are colleagues and frequent
visitors with us in West Belfast.
*Bruce Kent and his
colleagues marched to 10 Downing Street protesting against British government
activities in N. Ireland. He resigned from his senior church position rather
than accept the Catholic church's
acceptance of government nuclear arming for
" deterrence". Pax Christi, a Catholic organisation he
founded for world peace recognised the work for peace in West Belfast.
*Ciaran Mc Keown, a
student of peace and Pacifism since before the nineteen seventies in Belfast
and wrote about them . His father was
headmaster of St Thomas' School Whiterock Road.
* The Society of
Friends have an honourable record of quiet service to people in conflict and
provided help and comfort to prisoners and their relatives. They cooperated
with residents and associations in West Belfast in the most difficult of recent
years.
* Herman Verbeek
visited , corresponded with and met us in West Belfast, discussed possible
changes towards cooperation and peace in the Churches.
* John Dear stayed
with us for a time and worked in cooperation with Springhill Community House in the Centre for
Human Rights.
* Steve and Jane
Pittam of the Society of Friends worked with us in West Belfast for many years
and are still happily among our many visiting Friends.
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