It might have been expected that a government in Dublin
would have demanded sufficient evidence of Russian involvement in the attack ,
evidence it could present publicly to the Dáil and to the people. Now
the injured people have been taken away to some place where security and
secrecy are assured.
Those of us with long memories recall how on some historic
occasions government in Dublin was not so cooperative to requests which were
really demands. When Mr De Valera was creating a new Constitution for the state
he came under pressure from interests in Continental Europe to grant in the Constitution a special position for the R. Catholic Church
as the approved church in the state. He refused. Instead he gave the Church a
rather grudging place in it as the religion of the majority of the population.
It was a bit like saying Irish people had a special position in Ireland because
most of the inhabitants were Irish.
Later in 1944 Mr de
Valera came under severe pressure from the USA and Britain to expel German and Japanese
diplomats . He refused.
He came under severe pressure also to give up control of ports which London had
kept after conceding limited independence to Ireland. He refused.
There are arguments for and against what he did and why he
did it. But there can be little argument about the determination and
assuredness with which he did it. He believed that, having achieved some independence, that independence had to be maintained in face
of pressures from outside. It was different however in 1932 when, in response to
pressure from within, Mr de Valera's
party succeeded in expelling -
illegally - an Irishman Jim Gralton, inflicting on him the added
inconvenience of Jim having to pay his own fare out of the country. What
would have happened had Mr De Valera given in to the demands for expulsion of German
and Japanese diplomats? Or to demands to make the R. Catholic Church a state church? Or if his party had not given in to internal
pressure to expel Jim Gralton, whose offence against Ireland was real - he had
built a community hall for independent education after all?
Or what would happen if Mr. Varadkar said No to people who
insisted on solidarity with them , rather than evidence from everybody else ?
There has always been a fear that the European Union may become a United States Of Europe, highly
centralised decision making, including ethical decisions, highly centralised
military, highly centralised standards of behaviour - solidarity with accusers
rather than demands for evidence against
presumed offenders. That need not be
allowed to happen - membership of a community means not just obeying other members , it means also shaping the way
we are going, so at times firm refusals are required. The European Union seems
to be stumbling along towards the theory that the only way to get peace is to
wage war and that war can be prepared for only by creating a highly visible enemy. The need for war overcomes
the need for evidence that we have any enemies to war with.
Already the principle of " innocent unless and until
proved guilty ( beyond reasonable doubt) " is being eroded in our ideas
about courts,crime and punishment. Possibly
it is being eroded in international
affairs too.
Is Mr Varadkar's decision to expel Russian diplomats then simply
a gesture of solidarity rather than a
result of evidence? Perhaps a bit more
of Mr De Valera's firmness
(stubbornness, national self interest ?) might be useful at least until we are
sure.
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